El Quetzal - Guatemala Human Rights Commission

El Quetzal 

A Quarterly Publication 

Issue #10 GHRC June/Sept 2011 

Polochic: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow 

The Maya Q‘eqchi‘ communities 

of Guatemala's Polochic 

Valley have suffered a long 

history of threats, displacement, 

brutal violence, and crushing 

poverty. After a series of violent 

evictions in March 2011, 

over 700 families are just trying 

to stay alive. 

"We went looking for solutions, and found only pain." 

- A survivor of the Panzos massacre - 

In 1954, a CIA-sponsored coup 

cut short promising land reform 

efforts in Guatemala because 

the reform affected the economic 

interests of US companies 

operating in the country. 

During the military governments 

that ruled Guatemala 

throughout the three decades 

following the coup, powerful 

families (both local and foreign) gained 

―legal‖ title to the land in the Polochic 

Valley through a combination of fraud, 

confiscation, intimidation, and violence. 

The Maya Q‘eqchi‘ population was displaced, 

and often forced to work for slave 

wages on the large plantations. Tensions 

between the large landowners, many of 

German descent, and the local indigenous 

population increased as the communities 

struggled to win legal recognition of their 

historic claims to the land. 

Declassification of Military Archives, Page 5 

Massacre in Petén Leaves 27 dead, Page 6 

(Photo: Rob Mercetante) 

Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA 

The lives of hundreds of indigenous men, women and 

children are at risk today in the Polochic Valley 

On May 27, 1978 campesinos 

(subsistence farmers) of San Vincente, 

Panzós, went to plant corn by the banks of 

the Polochic River. They were met by the 

sons of a plantation owner who, accompanied 

by army troops, threatened them and 

told them to stop demanding land reform. 

Two days later, hundreds of men, women 

and children from different communities 

gathered in the central plaza of Panzos to 

speak with the Mayor, Walter Overdick 

García, seeking a solution to the land 

problem and an end to the constant threats 

and intimidation. 

Continued on Page 2 

Also in this issue: 

3321 12th Street NE Washington, DC 20017-4008 

Tel: (202) 529-6599 Fax: (202)526-4611 www.ghrc-usa.org 

Pérez Molina and 

Baldizón to Compete in 

Presidential Runoff 

Presidential candidates Otto Pérez Molina 

and Manuel Baldizón came out on top in 

Guatemala‘s elections on September 11. 

The two will compete in a runoff election 

on November 6. 

The elections concluded a long and intense 

campaign season marked by court 

battles, pre-election violence and intimidation. 

The elections also brought Guatemala 

into the international spotlight due 

to allegations that the candidates are 

linked to organized crime, corruption and 

human rights violations. 

Pérez Molina, of the Patriot Party, received 

36% of the vote. Baldizón, of the 

Renewed Democratic Freedom party 

(Líder), came in second with 23%. 

Until recently, Pérez Molina´s top challenger 

was Sandra Torres, the ex-wife of 

current president Alvaro Colom. However, 

she was not allowed on the ballot by 

the Guatemalan Supreme Court, despite 

her recent divorce from Colom, due to a 

law prohibiting immediate family members 

of the president to run for that position. 

The Broad Coalition (Frente Amplio), 

a group of progressive and left-wing 

parties with Rigoberta Menchú as their 

candidate, won 3% of the vote. 


GHRC Delegation on Women‘s Rights, Page 13 

Exciting Changes at GHRC, Page 14 

Page 1

The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA 

GHRC Mission 

Founded in 1982, the Guatemala 

Human Rights Commission/USA 

(GHRC) is a nonprofit, 

nonpartisan, humanitarian 

organization that 

monitors, documents, and 

reports on the human rights 

situation in Guatemala, advocates 

for survivors of human 

rights abuses in Guatemala, 

and works toward positive, 

systemic change. 

Board of Directors 

Kathy Ogle 

President 

Amy Kunz 

Vice President 

Joan Dawson 

Secretary 

Janett Forte 

Treasurer 

Yolanda Alcorta 

América Calderón 

Christina del Castillo 

John Leary 

Jean-Marie Simon 

Advisory Board 

Kit Gage 

Jennifer Harbury 

Sr. Dianna Ortiz 

Sr. Alice Zachmann 

Staff 

Kelsey Alford-Jones 

Director 

Robert Mercatante 

Human Rights Defender Program 

Kathryn Johnson 

Advocacy and Development 

Coordinator 

Interns 

Melissa Deal 

Julia Sick 

Page 2 

Continued from Page 1 

But instead of dialogue, the community members 

were met with bullets. Soldiers, laying in 

wait on the rooftops of the buildings surrounding 

the plaza, opened fire on the crowd. Men, 

women and children were savagely massacred, 

their bodies thrown into the town dump truck, 

carted like trash to the town's cemetery, and 

tossed into a mass grave. Others died from 

their wounds while fleeing the massacre. It is 

estimated that over 100 people were killed, 

and many more were injured. 

Former mayor Walter Overdick Garcia recently 

made a shocking declaration while testifying 

during a court hearing in June of this 

year. Naming names, he publically confirmed 

that four wealthy landowners in the region had 

coordinated beforehand with high-ranking 

military officials to violently repress the campesino 

gathering. 

The Commission for Historical Clarification 

(CEH), in their truth commission report entitled 

―Memory of Silence‖, characterizes the 

Panzos case as a clear example of the State‘s 

inability to protect the historic land rights of 

the Q‘eqchi‘ communities. The case reveals 

how large landowners utilized the State to 

resolve land disputes in their favor, even to the 

point of using extreme violence against poor 

campesinos. It also clearly demonstrates the 

willingness of the elite to involve the army in 

agrarian conflicts. Sadly, little has changed in 

the 33 years since the massacre of Panzos. 

In 2006, Carlos Widmann, brother-in-law of 

then President Oscar Berger, secured loans 

from the Central American Bank for Economic 

Integration (BCIE) for $31 million to 

move his sugar cane refinery, Ingenio Guadalupe, 

from the Guatemala‘s southern coast to 

the Polochic Valley. The company, renamed 

Chabil Utzaj, eventually floundered and the 

lands were abandoned. Displaced Q‘eqchi‘ 

communities returned to the idle lands and 

began to plant subsistence crops for their survival. 

In 2010, newspapers reported that the 

lands and equipment belonging to Chabil Utzaj 

were to be auctioned off by a Guatemalan 

bank. 

In March 2011, however, it was announced 

that Grupo Pellas of Nicaragua had come to 

the financial ―rescue‖ of Chabil Utzaj, investing 

over $20 million in the business, under the 

name "Guatemala Sugar State Corporation." 

The Pellas family, producers of Flor de Caña 

Evictions in the Polochic Valley 

rum, is the most economically powerful family 

in Nicaragua. They oversee a vast empire 

that includes a bank, a hospital, car dealerships, 

insurance companies, liquor distribution 

companies, communication companies and 

many other businesses throughout the region. 

They are the largest exporters of sugarcaneproduced 

ethanol in all of Central America, 

and have also expanded into the cultivation of 

African Palm for the production of palm oil 

and biodiesel. 

With Chabil Utzaj back in business, the land 

had to be cleared — and that meant getting rid 

of the Maya Q‘eqchi‘ farmers who had 

planted their crops in the idle fields. 

On March 14, while certain Guatemalan government 

officials met with a delegation from 

the Polochic communities to find a negotiated 

solution to the urgent need for land, other government 

officials were preparing the logistics 

to forcibly remove those very same communities. 

It would be the largest land eviction in 

Guatemala‘s recent history. 

The following day, in the early morning hours, 

hundreds of soldiers, national police, and private 

security guards employed by Chabil Utzaj 

gathered in the Polochic Valley. Under the 

direction of Carlos Widmann, they began to 

violently evict men, women and children from 

their homes. One farmer, Antonio Beb Ac, 

received a fatal wound to his head. Others 

were injured or became sick from tear gas 

inhalation. 

Families desperately pleaded with the government 

and paramilitary forces to spare the 

crops that they had planted, but to no avail. In 

a brutality reminiscent of the scorched earth 

tactics used by the army during the internal 

conflict, indigenous families‘ homes were 

burned and their crops destroyed, leaving 

thousands without food or shelter. 

Two days later, the government of President 

Alvaro Colom published a confrontational 

communiqué entitled: "It is the Duty of the 

Government of the Republic to Preserve Governability 

and Uphold the Rule of Law." The 

document asserted that the government has the 

"legal and moral obligation to stop this growing 

wave of illegal actions." Unfortunately, the 

"illegal actions" being referred to weren't the 

violent evictions or the assassinations of campesinos, 

but rather the peaceful protest of 

Continued on p. 10

(Photo: http://www.ourcampaigns.com) 


The months leading up to the elections 

saw high rates of political violence, with 

as many as 35 activists and mayoral and 

congressional candidates murdered. 

Many were concerned about violence on 

election day, access to ballot boxes, and 

complications due to multiple ID systems. 

While the day was relatively calm, election 

observers, who numbered over 

10,000, reported acts of voter intimidation, 

vote-buying, and other anomalies. 

Large numbers of complaints were registered 

in the departments of Guatemala, El 

Quiché, Alta Verapaz, Huehuetenango, 

Manuel Baldizón , left, and Pérez Molina 

Quetzaltenango and San Marcos. In Chimaltenango, 

the Spanish-only instructions 

at the polls created difficulties for 

K´aqchikel speakers, many of whom are 

also illiterate. The Supreme Electoral 

Tribunal was criticized for long delays in 

publicizing results of local elections. 

These issues did not, overall, deter citizens 

from participating. An estimated 

66% came out to vote, with youth and 

women participating in large numbers. 

Citizen security has become one of the 

primary issues in the presidential campaigns, 

as Guatemalans face increasing 

levels of violence from gangs and organized 

crime. Both Pérez Molina and 

Baldizón have promised to crack-down 

on crime through increased police and 

military presence. 

For many Guatemalans, however, neither 

candidate inspires confidence. Both have 

discussed granting increased numbers of 

mining licenses for exploration and extraction 

– already a highly contentious 

issue that is opposed by indigenous communities 

and environmental activists 

Elections Go to Runoff 

across the country. Issues of justice, 

transparency, and indigenous 

rights have been largely ignored 

during their campaigns. In fact, 

both men have had to confront 

allegations against them of involvement 

in human rights abuses 

and organized crime. 

Pérez Molina has a long history of 

involvement in the armed forces 

and oversaw the military‘s 

scorched earth policy in the Ixil 

region in the early 1980‘s. If he 

wins, he will be the first military official 

to be president since 1986. In recent interviews, 

Pérez Molina denied that acts of 

genocide occurred against the Mayan 

people during the conflict, a troubling 

sign for indigenous communities and the 

paradigmatic human rights cases currently 

in Guatemalan courts. International 

human rights advocates have expressed 

deep concern for the impact his presidency 

would have on justice and accountability 

for human rights abuses (see Page 

4). 

Baldizón has been called the most powerful 

businessman in the Petén. According 

to Guatemalan media sources, he owns 

hotels, restaurants, land and aerial transportation 

services, commercial centers 

and media outlets, and allegedly has 

strong ties to organized crime. Currently 

there are multiple complaints registered 

against him in court for appropriation of 

public lands. He is a strong advocate of 

the death penalty and has even suggested 

public executions – an especially dangerous 

idea in the context of Guatemala‘s 

corrupt police and judiciary. 

Both candidates have been accused by an 

election watchdog group, Mirador Electoral, 

of spending well over the legally 

specified limit on their campaigns. Some 

have suggested that only organized crime 

would be able to provide that much 

money to support a candidate. 

While the presidential battle received the 

most media attention, the results of mayoral 

and congressional elections will also 

have strong implications for the coming 

years. The Patriot Party and the coalition 

National Unity for Hope (UNE) – Grand 

Issue #10, June/Sept 2011 

An indigenous woman votes in Guatemala City. 

National Alliance (GANA) each won a 

large percentage of seats in Congress. 

The Patriot Party also won large numbers 

of local offices. Pérez Molina and 

Baldizón are now working to form alliances 

with the losing parties and other 

interest groups in order to win the necessary 

50% in November. The majority of 

the parties, including UNE-GANA, have 

joined with Baldizón, who also received 

the support of the approximately 500,000 

ex Civil Defense Patrollers. 

As Guatemalans prepare for another two 

months of political campaigning, progressives, 

indigenous leaders and human 

rights advocates already note ominous 

signs of a return to a Guatemala of the 

1980´s, including increased repression, 

criminalization of social movements, and 

a free pass for the nation´s elite ruling 

class. 

Election Stats 

Registered Parties: 27 

Registered Voters: 7,340,841, (population 

of 14.4 million) 

Presidential Race Results: 

Otto Pérez Molina, Partido Patriota (PP)— 

36% 

Manuel Baldizón, Libertad Democrática 

Renovada (Líder)—23% 

Eduardo Suger, Compromiso, Renovación 

y Orden (Creo)—16% 

Rigoberta Menchú, Winaq/Frente Amplio—3.27% 

Juan Gutiérrez, PAN—2.76% 

Patricia de Arzú, Partido Unionista (PU) 

—2.17% 

Alejandro Giammatei, CASA—1.0% 

Adela Torrebiarte, ADN—.43% 

Page 3 

(Photo: Rob Mercatante)


Organizations Call for Action Against Those Accused of War Crimes 

The right to truth and justice doesn‘t disappear 

during election season. As the September 

11 elections loomed, Guatemalan 

organizations were actively moving forward 

with massacre and genocide cases 

from the internal conflict, and international 

organizations have continued their work to 

push the US and UN to investigate allegations 

of military officials‘ participation in 

crimes against humanity. Meanwhile, the 

US government has articulated its own pro 

-active policy to prevent mass atrocities, 

which includes denial of entry to the US 

for persons who have participated in such 

acts. 

Presidential candidate Otto Pérez Molina is 

one person who has been accused of committing 

crimes against humanity. Considering 

Guatemala‘s weak institutions and 

rampant corruption and impunity, the possible 

presidency of Pérez Molina, a retired 

General, has raised many concerns in Guatemala 

and the international community. 

Pérez Molina, who was trained as a 

kaibil, has been implicated in numerous 

human rights violations, both during his 

time overseeing the Quiché region during 

the state-sponsored genocide and as head 

of Guatemala‘s military intelligence. A 

case was filed against him in Guatemalan 

courts in March of this year for his alleged 

involvement in the forced disappearance 

and torture of Everardo Bámaca. Pérez 

Molina historically has had close ties to the 

US. He is a graduate of the School of the 

Americas, and an investigative piece by 

journalist Allan Nairn also alleged that he 

was on the CIA‘s payroll in the mid-1990s. 

After learning of Pérez Molina‘s plans to 

visit Washington, DC in May, GHRC and 

other groups organized a large rally in 

front of the State Department, urging the 

denial of visas for war criminals. Over 70 

activists gathered on May 16 th and held 

signs stating ―No Visas for Torturers, Authors 

of Genocide, or War Criminals,‖ and 

displayed a thirty foot banner with photos 

of mass grave exhumations and genocide 

victims‘ families. 

In July, GHRC, along with Annie Bird 

from Rights Action and lawyer Jennifer 

Harbury, followed-up with a letter to the 

United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture 

requesting an investigation into Pérez 

Page 4 

Molina‘s involvement in 

acts of torture and crimes 

against humanity during 

Guatemala‘s internal 

conflict. 

Specifically, the letter 

asked the UN to investigate 

Pérez Molina‘s role 

in ―the systematic use of 

torture in the Ixil triangle 

and other areas in the 

1980s, as well as the 

systematic torture of all 

prisoners of war, especially 

as National Director 

of the intelligence 

division in 1992.‖ The 

letter provides strong evidence to back up 

the request, including reports from declassified 

State Department documents. 

GHRC‘s work to raise awareness about 

Guatemalans accused of war crimes who 

travel frequently to the US was reinforced 

by the Obama administration‘s recent communiqué, 

the Presidential Directive on 

Mass Atrocities, which reiterates that it is 

in US interest to deny entry to those who 

have engaged in wide-spread human rights 

violations and crimes against humanity. In 

his August 4th proclamation, Obama declared: 

―Universal respect for human rights 

and humanitarian law and the prevention 

of atrocities internationally promotes US 

values and fundamental US interests in 

helping secure peace, deter aggression, 

promote the rule of law, combat crime and 

Presidential candidate Otto Pérez Molina in front of his 

campaign symbol “mano dura.” 

corruption, strengthen democracies, and 

prevent humanitarian crises around the 

globe.‖ 

In an accompanying memorandum, President 

Obama outlined the creation of an 

Inter-agency Atrocities Prevention Board 

and Corresponding Inter-agency Review. 

The memorandum begins, ―Preventing 

mass atrocities and genocide is a core national 

security interest and a core moral 

responsibility of the United States.‖ 

The next step will be to ensure that the US 

government takes this commitment seriously 

when evaluating how to engage with 

a potential Pérez Molina administration. 

View a copy of the letter and more about our campaign 

at www.ghrc-usa.org. 

Lawyer Jennifer Harbury speaks to over 70 activists who gathered outside the US State 

Department to demand that the US deny visas to war criminals. 

(Photo: http://www.guatemalahostal.com)

By Kelsey Alford-Jones 


Debate over Guatemala‟s Military Archives Continues 

The Guatemalan Defense Department‘s first 

public archive sits open, but empty; the face 

of a controversial process of declassification 

which concluded on June 20, 2011 when the 

archive was inaugurated by the presidentiallyappointed 

Commission for the Declassification 

of the Military Archives. 

The Commission, tasked with analyzing and 

organizing military files from the internal 

conflict, gathered documents from military 

bases and training centers across the country. 

Now, after years of denying access to military 

records, the Guatemalan Defense Department 

boasts of the declassification of their secret 

documents from the war, holding up the archive 

as a significant step forward in transparency 

and access to information. The collection 

includes 11,698 documents that are public and 

589 that are partially classified. Fifty-five 

more remain secret, including key documents 

from the height of the internal conflict. 

Located securely inside the complex of the 

Chiefs of Staff of the Defense Department 

(Estado Mayor de la Defensa Nacional), the 

archive is not a place many Guatemalan citizen, 

much less survivors of military abuses, 

would choose to enter. The process to request 

a visit, or copies of the documents, is not easy. 

After being open almost three months, a total 

of four people have visited. Few Guatemalans 

know the archive exists. 

So far, the archive has raised more questions 

than it has answered. Many are skeptical of 

the validity of the archive‘s content due to the 

small number of documents, the ongoing secrecy 

surrounding key military plans, and the 

lack of accessibility. Were all the documents 

relating to military operations during the conflict 

really made accessible to the Commission? 

Why do key documents remain classified 

when they have been linked to human 

rights violations and should, by law, be public? 

In August, I visited the archive to see for myself 

what it contained, and how accessible the 

documents were. After all, if the content of the 

archive did not fit the Commission‘s mandate, 

this was a moment for increased pressure 

rather than celebration. 

A Long and Contentious Process 

For years Guatemalans have sought military 

documents as part of their right to truth, and 

struggled to uncover the military‘s policies 

that led to the atrocities of the internal conflict. 

Yet the military documents remained 

classified and unattainable, despite ongoing 

requests from civil society organizations. The 

release of four military plans – Plan Sofia, 

Plan Victoria „82, Plan Firmeza „83 and Operation 

Ixil –became the center of the struggle 

when they were requested for use in a case 

against genocide master-mind General Efraín 

Ríos Montt and other high-ranking military 

and police officials. 

The documents were also being requested in 

Spain (where Judge Pedraz is investigating the 

genocide case), and in the US, where the failure 

to release the military plans from the 

1980s became linked to restrictions on US 

military funding to 

Guatemala. 

Ríos Montt, then 

President of the 

Guatemalan Congress, 

claimed the 

documents‘ declassification would jeopardize 

national security, but the courts disagreed. In 

July 2007, the First Criminal Court of Appeals 

mandated the release of the documents, and 

the decision was upheld by the Constitutional 

Court in March of the following year. 

The passage of the Freedom of Information 

Act in September 2008 (in effect as of March 

2009) provided another tool to support public 

access to the records – particularly Article 24, 

which states that information relating to human 

rights violations or mass atrocities may 

―in no case […] remain classified as confidential 

or reserved.‖ 

Guatemalan president Alvaro Colom, meanwhile, 

had also ordered the declassification of 

military documents from the internal conflict. 

On February 25, 2008, the National Day of 

Dignity for Victims of the Armed Conflict, 

Colom proclaimed: ―I can assure you that we 

are going to make public all of the Military 

archives.‖ 

At the end of February 2009, after strong pressure, 

then Defense Minister Valenzuela finally 

turned over two of the four military plans to a 

judge, Plan Victoria ‟82 and Plan Firmeza 

‟83, claiming the other two could not be 

found. However, instead of giving them to the 

Prosecutor‘s Office, the judge simply returned 

them to the military. 

President Colom, in early March, appointed 

his Declassification Commission, consisting 

of seven members from both military and 

civilian backgrounds, who were to visit Guatemala‘s 

military bases, request secret and top 

secret files from 1954-1996, organize them, 

and decide, internally, the process for declas- 

sification. The Commission was given ten 

months to publish their results, but Colom 

granted a six month extension, leading to the 

official opening on June 20 of this year. 

Guatemalan and international organizations 

immediately had serious reservations about 

the process of collection and analysis of the 

documents. In a letter to President Colom on 

July 19, GHRC joined with others in questioning 

the transparency of the process, the criteria 

for the continued classification of 55 documents, 

the collection‘s lack of index, and the 

genuineness of the archives‘ openness to the 

public. 

“I can assure you that we are going to make public all 

of the Military archives.” 

- President Colom 

Unfortunately, the pomp and circumstance of 

the new archive seems more geared toward 

placating the US government than anything 

else. Just a month after the archive opened, the 

seven-member Commission flew to Washington, 

DC, accompanied by a member of the US 

military, to share details about the declassification 

process with representatives from the 

Departments of State and Defense, as well as 

key congressional offices. After all, Guatemalan 

hopes for increased military aid were tied 

to their show of goodwill and transparency 

during the declassification process. 

The Commission also met with human rights 

organizations, including GHRC, to explain 

their process. During that meeting the Commission 

assured us that they had ―had access 

to the entire universe of documents and only 

reviewed secret and top secret documents.‖ 

The small number of documents, we were also 

told, reflected the fact that the Commission 

did not collect ―administrative‖ records – only 

strategy plans and operations. 

General Morales, the coordinator of the Commission, 

extended a cordial invitation to visit 

their new facility, and requested our advice on 

how best to raise awareness about the archive. 

―It‘s great you‘ve come all the way to Washington,‖ 

I commented to one commissioner, 

―but have you been to Xela? To the Q‘uiché? 

To Rabinal?‖ The answer was an almost 

sheepish ―no‖. 

Top Secret Files Remain Classified 

During my visit to the archives, I found little 

to support the Commission‘s claims. I was 

received by General Morales himself, and 


Page 5


When police arrived at Los Cocos ranch 

in La Libertad, El Peten, they were met 

with a horrific scene. Twenty-seven farm 

workers were lying dead, their heads 

strewn across a near-by field. A message 

written with their blood was addressed to 

the owner of the ranch: ―What‘s up, Otto 

Salguero? I will find you and this is how 

I‘ll leave you. Sincerely, Z200.‖ 

The massacre took place on May 15. 

Survivors estimate that dozens of armed 

men murdered and decapitated the victims. 

Among those killed were two 

women and two children. Only three 

people survived the attack: a man, a 

pregnant woman, and her daughter. The 

workers were seasonal migrants from 

Izabal, who spent a few months of the 

year working in El Petén. There is no 

evidence the workers had any connection 

to criminal networks. 

According to Guatemalan authorities, 

Otto Salguero had stolen a 2,000 kilo 

shipment of cocaine from the Zetas and 

was attempting to extort them to negotiate 

its return. The Zetas had arrived in 

early May to demand the drugs. On May 

10, Salguero sent his niece's husband, 

Luis Carlos Bardales Chacón, to make a 

payment, but Chacón was kidnapped and 

assassinated. His family received a ransom 

call the next day, and on May 13, 

Chacón‘s father and wife left to make a 

payment. They were both killed en route. 

Salguero is a prominent cattle rancher 

who had no previous official record of 

involvement with drug trafficking. However, 

neighbors commented on his shady 

businesses - hiring day laborers to produce 

cheese, milk and cattle feed for his 

ranch in El Petén, which, when investigators 

arrived at Los Cocos, didn‘t have 

a single head of cattle. He was also 

found to have multiple farms in strategic 

locations, including one near the border 

with Honduras and another near Mexico. 

Page 6 

Massacre in Petén Leaves 27 Dead 

27 peasants were killed in the Petén massacre. The Zetas left a death threat written in 

their blood to cattle rancher Otto Salguero. 

Following the attack, President Alvaro 

Colom declared a state of siege in the 

northern department of El Petén for 30 

days, sending police and military to patrol 

the area. In Santa Elena, police had a 

confrontation with three suspected members 

of the Zetas. Two were killed in the 

firefight, and one, Hugo Francisco 

Chávez Méndez, an ex-Sergeant in the 

Guatemalan military, was arrested. Two 

days later, police also arrested Hugo 

Gomez Alvarez Vasquez in the 

neighboring department of Alta Verapaz. 

Many, including President Colom, have 

speculated that Guatemala‘s elite special 

forces, the kaibiles, were also involved 

in the massacre. 

This gruesome show of power is the 

most recent evidence of the Zeta‘s increasing 

control over large areas of Guatemalan 

territory. Coban, Alta Verapaz 

has become their base of operations but 

they also control extensive trafficking 

routes in Zacapa, El Petén, as well as key 

border crossings. 

Guatemala is an appealing location for 

the Zetas‘ expansion and a strategically 

Volunteer or Intern with GHRC! 

important strong-hold, as it provides 

access to both Atlantic and Pacific ports, 

proximity to the Mexican border, and 

weak and easily-corruptible institutions. 

The Zetas, highly militarized and with 

extensive intelligence networks, recruit 

from Guatemala‘s elite special forces, 

the kaibiles, and have infiltrated many of 

Guatemala‘s local and national government 

offices. In some cities, the Zetas 

have been known to pay juicy bribes to 

local authorities. 

The group has a military-grade arsenal of 

AK-47‘s, grenades, and even helicopters, 

and is known for its particularly brutal 

shock-and-awe tactics. Their presence in 

Guatemala has led to increases in violence, 

extortion, kidnapping, human trafficking, 

and conflicts between local 

crime networks. Local businesses are 

charged quotas, and those who resist are 

dealt with mercilessly. The Zetas were 

also responsible for the massacre of 72 

Central American migrants in Tamaulipas, 

Mexico in August of 2010, and most 

recently, the arson attack on the Casino 

Royale in Monterrey that killed 52. 

Interested in getting more involved with the Guatemala Human Rights Commission? Let us know! Whether it is in 

our DC office or from afar, there are many opportunities to help out. We are looking for translators (must be fluent in 

Spanish), helpers for large mailings, and passionate activists who would like to help educate or fundraise in their own 

community. We are also accepting applications for our 2012 Spring Internship positions. 

(Photo: el-mexicano.com.mx)

Issue Issue #10, #2 June/Sept / March 2009 2011 

Environmental Defender Yuri Melini Receives Death Threats 

Last month, Yuri Melini received death 

threats due to his work in defense of human 

rights, specifically the right to a safe 

and clean environment. Melini is an environmentalist, 

activist, human rights defender 

and the director of CALAS—the 

Center of Legal, Environmental and Social 

Action. CALAS works to protect 

the Guatemalan environment, 

promote community involvement 

and participation, and enhance 

respect for indigenous rights in 

relation to environmental concerns. 

Melini received a note on August 

29 warning him to ―leave the 

world in peace‖ and that he would 

soon ―become a part of the ecosystem.‖ 

The threats are related to 

the dismissal of Federico Guillermo 

Alvarez Mencilla from his 

role as Executive Secretary of the 

National Council of Protected 

Areas (CONAP). In the months 

leading up to the threats, CALAS 

had been promoting a campaign 

against corruption and against the construction 

of a gas plant in Punta de Manabique, 

a nature reserve in northeastern 

Guatemala. As part of the campaign, 

CALAS filed a complaint with the Constitutional 

Court and lobbied for the dis- 

Retired army general Héctor Mario López 

Fuentes, 81, was arrested on June 17 on 

charges of genocide, forced disappearance 

and other crimes against humanity. López 

Fuentes is the highest-ranking official to be 

detained for human rights violations committed 

during Guatemala´s 36-year armed 

conflict. 

López Fuentes was the third highest ranking 

official during the Rios Montt regime, 

and as the Armed Forces Chief of Staff, 

was second in command of the military. 

He is accused by the Public Prosecutor‘s 

Office of ―over ten thousand murders, nine 

thousand forcibly displaced persons, and 

the rape of women in the Maya Ixil region, 

crimes which took place between March 

1982 and October 1983.‖ 

missal of Mencilla, who was responsible 

for land management in the area. 

The note, also sent to CALAS‘s legal 

advisor, Rafael Maldonado, arrived with 

mug shots of 18 men and threatened that 

if they ―keep getting who you want ar- 

Photo title 

(Photo: Front Line Defenders) 

Yuri Melini, director of CALAS, holds up an article about 

environmental damage in protected areas of Izabal 

rested and keep up the show—we will 

settle the score after 14-01-2012 [the day 

the new president takes office]…It‘s going 

to be a problem for those who come 

next and you‘re going to stop making a 

fuss.‖ 

As Rios Montt´s ―right 

hand man‖, López 

Fuentes oversaw the 

implementation of 

military campaigns 

Plan Sofia, Victoria 82 

and Firmeza 83, plans 

that have been kept 

secret by the Guatemalan 

military despite 

ongoing demands for 

their declassification. 

(See ―Debate over 

Military Archives 

Continues‖, page 5.) 

Lopez Fuentes was 

arraigned on June 

20 and is currently detained at the Matamoros 

prison in Guatemala City, 12 years 

Melini was the victim of a violent attack 

in 2008 when he was shot four times. The 

shooting came after CALAS won a legal 

process in the Constitutional Court to 

change mining laws in Guatemala and the 

attack was most likely retaliation from 

mining interest groups. Fortunately, Yuri 

survived, and has continued his 

outspoken activism in defense of 

the environment and Guatemala‘s 

protected areas. 

Environmental activists and human 

rights defenders are frequently 

targeted in Guatemala for 

their work. UDEFEGUA reported 

302 attacks against human rights 

defenders in the first eight 

months of this year, an average of 

1.4 attacks daily. The great majority 

of the attacks (82.9%) have 

occurred against farmers, indigenous 

communities, and environmentalists. 

Human rights defenders 

are most frequently targeted 

with illegal detentions, persecution, 

and cruel and inhumane 

treatment; 16 have been assassinated. 

The department of San Marcos reported 

the majority of attacks, followed by Alta 

Verapaz and Guatemala. 

Former General Arrested, Charged with Genocide 

after the case was first presented 

to the courts. 

Other lower-ranking former 

military personnel have also 

been arrested recently for 

their alleged role in human 

rights violations during the 

same time period. Colonel 

Héctor Bol de la Cruz, former 

Director of the National Police 

from 1983-85, was recently 

charged for his command 

responsibility in the 

forced disappearance of student 

and trade union leader 

Edgar Fernando García. 

Photo: "Wanted For Genocide - Héctor 

Mario López Fuentes: Captured" 

(Graham Hunt) 

Page 7


Labor Activism a Way of Life for Voiceless Recipient Adrian Ventura 

These days, it is hard to find success stories 

for labor and immigrant rights issues. 

New Bedford community organizer and 

labor leader Adrian Ventura, however, has 

had his fair share. In the last six years, he 

has taken on some of the town‘s biggest 

companies to hold them accountable to 

labor laws and anti-discrimination policies—and 

won. 

Adrian is an indigenous Mayan from El 

Quiché who fled Guatemala to avoid political 

persecution. He landed in New Bedford, 

MA, and despite many challenges has 

established himself as one of the immi- 

―I began to think about how to prevent 

this [raid] at other factories. 

Workers were heavily discriminated 

against and exploited. There were no 

labor support centers.” 

grant community‘s most vocal and active 

organizers. He is the executive director and 

co-founder of the Community Worker‘s 

Center (known as the CCT in Spanish), an 

organization that educates immigrant 

workers about their rights, provides legal 

support and interpretation for K‘iche‘ 

speakers, and even works with local police 

to educate them about New Bedford‘s immigrant 

population. 

New Bedford, located on Massachusetts‘ 

south coast, has a long, proud history as a 

fishing and whaling center and advertises 

itself as the nation‘s largest commercial 

fishing port. Today, commercial fishing is 

celebrated as an important cultural tradition 

of the town. Together with manufacturing, 

it is what keeps New Bedford in 

business. 

Behind the gloss of the town‘s economic 

heritage, however, are the realities of the 

men and women who process the fish and 

work in the manufacturing plants. As in 

many parts of the country, those workers 

are immigrants, often working without a 

legal work permit. In New Bedford, they 

are, in large part, K‘iche‘ Mayans from the 

Guatemalan highlands. 

Many arrive with almost nothing, barely 

speaking Spanish, let alone English. Some 

Page 8 

were subsistence farmers who have come 

seeking economic opportunity. Others 

were small business owners who left to 

escape violence from local gangs and 

weekly quotas charged from organized 

crime networks. Some arrived in New Bedford 

because they already have family or 

friends there. Still others came because 

they heard there are jobs. Now they spend 

their days working long hours for little pay 

in the town‘s fish houses or factories. 

―For every 100 that come, only ten return,‖ 

estimates Adrian. ―Especially these days 

with all the problems in Guatemala…and 

Otto Pérez Molina,‖ he adds, referring 

to Guatemala‘s presidential 

candidate and former military man 

who oversaw acts of genocide in 

the department of El Quiché. 

New Bedford is not the most welcoming 

environment for undocumented 

labor. The town entered 

the national spotlight in 2007, when 300 

federal immigration agents arrested 350 

workers at Michael Bianco Inc. 

Those detained were mostly Guatemalans, 

and had been working 

under terrible conditions producing 

leather goods and military 

backpacks. Many were later deported. 

The owner of the company, 

which had received over 

$100 million in Defense contracts 

in just five years, was indicted 

for knowingly hiring undocumented 

workers. 

The raid spurred Adrian to get 

more involved. Then working 

with the Maya K‘iche‘ Organization, 

he helped support the undocumented 

workers and their 

families. ―I began to think about 

how to prevent this at other factories,‖ 

he says, ―workers were 

heavily discriminated against and 

exploited; there were no labor 

support centers.‖ 

He helped found the CCT, which 

now offers monthly workshops 

on labor rights, and collaborates 

with a legal justice organization 

on cases of labor violations. 

When the CCT learns of abuses 

or discrimination, the organization employs 

a myriad of strategies to support 

workers, including dialogue with the private 

sector, advocacy with legislators, direct 

action, and public education. His organization 

has been extremely successful 

in bringing justice for victims of labor violations. 

Their strategy often begins with a letter to 

the employer, asking for a meeting. ―We 

meet and discuss the issues through an 

interpreter,‖ he says. ―The company will 

meet because they don‘t want the allegation 

getting out to the media.‖ 

When 86 workers were dismissed from 

their jobs at a fish house based on the E- 

Verify program, Adrian organized a meeting 

with the company and convinced them 

to re-hire the workers. He also used it as an 

opportunity to raise awareness about working 

conditions. ―We ask them to respect 

our rights, our language, and that they train 

Continued on Next Page 

“Which way for America?” Community leader 

Adrian Ventura participates in a rally in New 

Bedford, MA

Adrian Ventura 

Continued from Previous Page 

their employees to do so as well.‖ 

In another case, he learned about violations 

occurring at an industrial tent rental company. 

The company wasn‘t giving workers 

overtime pay and was hiring minors to 

work up to 80 hours per week. ―When we 

found out, we organized a protest outside 

the company until they decided to pay.‖ 

“Those of us without 

documents have the same 

human rights. We are all 

equal.” 

His organization also helped support a 

group of K‘iche‘ women who were discriminated 

against in a textile factory. 

The immigrant community in New Bedford 

has not been spared the negative impacts 

of the Secure Communities program. 

In one case, Maria, a Guatemalan woman 

whose husband was arrested and deported, 

was so anxious that she suffered a miscarriage. 

Adrian and the CCT again took action, 

organizing the community in response, 

seeking psychological support for 

Maria, and speaking with local authorities. 

―We sent letters to our congress people and 

our representative said he would not support 

the policy.‖ 

Through his advocacy and dialogue with 

the police, Adrian has helped decrease 

implementation of the program. In the last 

two months, only seven people have been 

detained under Secure Communities. 

Despite the difficulties of advocating for 

labor rights, he says the hardest part of his 

work is educating people about their rights 

and encouraging them to be their own advocates. 

The challenges won‘t hold him 

back; he has organizing in his blood, he 

says proudly. ―Those of us without documents 

have the same human rights,‖ he 

explains, and then quotes from the K‘iche‘ 

holy book, the Popol Vuh, ―Leave no one 

behind, let‘s all walk together, men and 

women. We are all equal.‖ 

———— 

The Voiceless Speak Fund provides small 

grants to Guatemalans in the US, thanks to a 

generous GHRC donor. See our website for 

details. 


Immigration Reform Updates 

Secure Communities 

On August 18, after significant criticism from immigrant rights groups concerning the 

―Secure Communities‖ Program, President Obama announced a shift in deportation 

policy. Secure Communities is a program in which local and state police send fingerprints 

of anyone they arrest to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Many 

people claim that, under Secure Communities, thousands have been deported who 

pose no threat to the US. The change in policy would allegedly stop the deportation of 

many students who would be eligible for permanent residency under the DREAM Act 

and focus US efforts on deporting those who pose a threat to ―national security or 

public safety.‖ 

DREAM Act 

The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act would 

qualify immigrants for permanent residency who entered the country before the age 

of 16 and either attend college or join the military. Originally introduced on August 1, 

2001, this bill has been altered and introduced various times to both the House and 

the Senate. Most recently, the DREAM Act was passed in December 2010 by the 

House but was blocked by a filibuster in the Senate. Nonetheless, many courageous 

undocumented students and their supporters have continued to push for the passage of 

the bill, risking arrest and deportation. 

E-Verify 

E-Verify is a controversial program in which employers can check a current or potential 

employees legal employment eligibility. Many have criticized the program as 

inaccurate and expensive, and claim that it has been used to target minority employees. 

Nonetheless, the proposed Legal Workforce Verification Act would make the use 

of E-Verify mandatory for all employers. At the time of publication, this act was in 

committee in the House of Representatives. 

Increased Deportations 

President Obama has been the target of massive protests in recent weeks by immigrant 

rights activists pushing for the passage of the DREAM Act and against the 

―Secure Communities‖ Program, spurred in large part due to ongoing deportations. 

The number of Guatemalans deported from the US has risen steadily every year over 

the last decade. In the first half of 2011, US immigration authorities deported 14,478 

Guatemalans, an 11.54% increase over the same period in 2010. 

35000 

30000 

25000 

20000 

15000 

10000 

5000 

0 

Guatemalans Deported from the US 

2001-2010 

Source: Department of Homeland Security Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2010 

Non- 

Criminal 

Criminal 

Page 9



those human rights violations by social 

movement organizations. The government 

threatened to "immediately carry out all 

pending land evictions" and "freeze all 

dialogue" with campesino organizations. 

The attacks didn‘t end with the evictions. 

On March 21, members of the Canlún 

community were cultivating land which 

they own through their cooperative. They 

saw three tractors excavating in a nearby 

field, accompanied by 18 private guards 

and the head of security for the Chabil 

Utzaj sugar company. When the farmers 

asked what was going on, 

they were told that the 

tractors were digging their 

graves. Immediately, the 

head of security ordered 

the guards to open fire. 

Oscar Reyes, a 34 yearold 

farmer, was shot dead. 

Three others received 

bullet wounds. 

Then, on May 13, three 

private helicopters flew 

over the community of 

Aguacaliente, dropping 

grenades on the cornfields 

that had survived destruction 

during the evictions 

and intimidating the families 

that were trying to 

harvest the corn. 

On June 4, María Margarita 

Che Chub, a 37 year-old community 

leader from Paraná, was shot and killed by 

heavily-armed men who arrived by motorcycle 

at her home. She was murdered in 

the presence of her two young children. 

At midnight on August 10, 22 families 

were attacked by 30 paramilitary forces. 

The armed men, their faces covered, began 

firing their weapons and demanding that 

the community members leave the land 

belonging to Chabil Utzaj. The families‘ 

fragile homes were destroyed and their 

belongings, including their clothes and 

harvested corn, were set on fire. Martín 

Pec May was shot in the abdomen and 

Carlos Ical was shot in the leg. An 8-year 

old girl was injured when a bullet grazed 

her leg. 

Page 10 

Polochic Evictions 

A “New” Chabil Utzaj 

In June, a PR piece posing as a news article 

entitled ―Grupo Pellas buys Sugar Refinery 

and Will Create 2,000 Jobs‖ was 

published in the Siglo XXI newspaper. It 

stated that the Pellas Group had assumed 

―total control‖ of the business, and that 

they were creating a ―new Chabil Utzaj.‖ 

In addition to job creation, Miguel 

Maldonado, the new general manager of 

Chabil Utzaj, promised to ―provide aid, 

maybe help the schools and build a little 

hospital or support the existing health clin- 

ics. We don‘t want to arrive emptyhanded, 

we want to help the people, but for 

that to happen there has to be productivity.‖ 

The patronizing offer to ―help the people,‖ 

will provide little in the way of long-term 

change for communities in the Polochic 

Valley. Half of the proposed new jobs are 

temporary ―high season‖ positions. By 

proposing to replace family farming with 

large-scale sugar production the ―new‖ 

Chabil Utzaj is creating a situation of financial 

and food dependency, a break with 

existing community structures, usurpation 

of the role of the State in providing health 

and education services, and complete disregard 

for the fundamental cultural importance 

of corn within the indigenous cul- 

ture. The ―new‖ Chabil Utzaj reflects a 

very old feudal mentality. 

The Work of GHRC 

Immediately following the evictions, 

GHRC joined with a coalition of Guatemalan 

and international organizations in petitioning 

the Inter-American Commission on 

Human Rights (IACHR) of the Organization 

of American States to approve precautionary 

measures for the communities. 

Precautionary measures request that a State 

take concrete steps to ―prevent irreparable 

harm‖ to persons, 

organization, or communities 

who are at 

risk. 

On June 20, the 

IACHR granted precautionary 

measures 

for the 14 communities 

forcibly evicted in 

the Polochic. It states, 

in part: 

―Between 700 and 

800 families from the 

communities are living 

in precarious conditions, 

without access 

to food and water, 

and that State 

agencies have failed 

to provide them with 

shelter or nutrition 

solutions. […] The 

Inter-American Commission requested that 

the State of Guatemala adopt any necessary 

measures to guarantee the life and 

physical integrity of the members of the 14 

Q'eqchi‘ indigenous communities; adopt 

any necessary measures to provide humanitarian 

assistance, including food and 

shelter, to the members of the 14 displaced 

communities; and come to an agreement 

with the beneficiaries and their representatives 

on the measures to be adopted.‖ 

(Photo: Rob Mercatante) 

GHRC and other petitioners in the Inter-American Commission process meet 

with members of displaced Polochic communities. 

GHRC has been working tirelessly with 

other human rights, campesino and indigenous 

organizations to ensure their implementation 

by the Guatemalan government. 

We‘ve met constantly with the communities 

in an effort to define their most pressing 

needs in the areas of security, food, 

Continued on Next Page

(Photo: Rob Mercatante) 


health, and shelter. We‘ve also maintained 

pressure on the government to come to a 

consensus with the beneficiaries about how 

to best implement the measures. 

The government‘s response, up until now, 

has been disappointing, to say the least. It 

wasn‘t until a September 2 meeting between 

COPREDEH (the Presidential Human 

Rights Commission) and community 

representatives that the government finally 

took concrete steps towards complying 

with the precautionary measures. 

One important step forward was the commitment 

to carry out a health and food 

census in the communities to determine 

how the government can best provide immediate 

health care and urgent food aid to 

the families. As for security, there has been 

a rotation of the police officers assigned to 

the area and an investigation of Chabil 

Utzaj‘s private security company is underway. 

In the end, though, we return to the beginning: 

the issue of land. The government 

has stated repeatedly that topics of access 

to land and land ownership are not up for 

discussion. However the farmers say that it 

is ludicrous to talk about their food and 

housing needs without mentioning the 

need for land. ―How am I going to feed my 

family if I can‘t work the land? I‘m not a 

beggar and I don‘t want handouts. I‘m a 

farmer and I want to plant,‖ exclaimed one 

campesino during a meeting. Yet another 

Polochic Evictions 

Ammunition and other objects recovered in Paraná after 

attack by paramilitary forces. 

wondered: ―The government talks about 

housing, but where are they going to build 

my house? In the air?‖ 

As long as the majority of 

arable farmland continues to 

remain in the hands of a few 

wealthy families and transnational 

corporations; as long as 

biodiesel crops such as African 

palm and sugarcane continue 

to replace the traditional 

crops of corn and beans; as 

long as the justice system continues 

to serve the interests of 

private property instead of 

protecting human rights; as 

long as the Congress refuses 

to pass any law relating to 

rural development and as long 

as the government favors 

forced evictions instead of 

meaningful and productive 

dialogue, we can expect more 

of the same. 

Polochic is an emblematic case of what 

other agrarian communities throughout 

Guatemala are facing. In fact, since 

Polochic, there have been other violent 

land evictions in Retalhuleu and the Petén, 

with tragic consequences. 

The lame duck Colom administration is in 

the process of ―closing up shop.‖ The work 

of government ministries and institutions is 

slowly grinding to a halt. Much of the actual 

efforts during the remaining four 

months will be geared toward preparing 

the transition to the incoming government 

that takes office on January 14, 2012. 

Meanwhile, the families of the Polochic 

and other displaced campesino communities 

struggle day-to-day to find a way to 

put food on their table. 

How you can help: 

(1) Sign on to GHRC‟s urgent action 

demanding government action 

(2) Become a Friend of the Polochic 

by making a tax-deductible donation to 

GHRC; 100% of your funds will go 

directly to support community advocacy 

efforts. (Simply write “Polochic” 

on the memo line!) 


GHRC Denounces Policy of 

Forced Evictions 

On August 30, the Guatemala Human 

Rights Commission in Washington, DC 

joined local and international groups in 

expressing serious concern over the pattern 

of violent land evictions occurring in 

campesino and indigenous communities 

across Guatemala. 

Forced evictions have been carried out by 

state forces with violence, extreme intimidation, 

and a pattern of destruction reminiscent 

of the scorched earth policy of the 

internal conflict — leaving the nation‘s 

poorest and most vulnerable populations 

with little or no access to food, potable 

water, or shelter. The communities‘ cries 

for urgent assistance and protection from 

threats and violence are met with silence 

and indifference from local and national 

authorities. 

At the end of July, 138 farmers were 

evicted by hundreds of state forces 

from Soledad Cafetal farm in Retalhuleu. 

One man was killed from blows 

to the chest and intoxication from tear 

gas, and the families´ temporary huts 

were burned to the ground by workers 

hired by the landowner. The 250 families 

who had planted on the land had 

occupied it for the last seven months 

after being expelled from their jobs and 

land by the owner for failure to pay 

their quota of rent on the property. The 

workers complained to multiple government 

agencies that they had never 

received minimum wage, and requested 

access to the land to plant subsistence 

crops until an agreement was worked 

out with the government to find affordable 

land for the community. 

In August, 300 people were forcibly 

evicted from a community in Sierra 

del Lacandón, El Peten, after being 

accused of collaborating with drug trafficking 

organizations. The International 

Commission of Jurists said Interior 

Minister Carlos Menocal had used an 

―illegal generalization‖ to justify the 

eviction. The campesinos have publically 

complained that the evictions 

come as part of a development plan that 

includes four hydroelectric dam projects, 

a university for the study of biodiversity, 

an electric train and improved 


Page 11


Evictions 


tourism facilities at Mayan cultural 

sites that President Colom hopes will 

attract 12 million tourists each year. 

Colom has stated that to achieve the 

park‘s development, the region needs to 

be cleared of ―invaders.‖ The region 

was remilitarized during the State of 

Siege in May 2011 in order to ―protect 

park lands.‖ Meanwhile, the contract of 

French company PERENCO to drill oil 

on lands partially located on national 

protected areas, was extended in July 

2010. The project is expected to have 

major environmental impacts. 

The evictions have been denounced by 

the Office of the High Commissioner for 

Human Rights as a violation of international 

standards and basic human rights. 

The very entities charged with ensuring 

due process and respect for human rights 

often accompany the eviction process as 

mute observers of the violence unfolding 

before their eyes. 

The evictions have been denounced 

by the Office of the High 

Commissioner for Human Rights 

as a violation of international 

standards and basic human rights. 

The Guatemalan State is responsible for 

ensuring the basic rights of all of its citizens, 

including right to food security, 

potable water, dignified housing, physical 

integrity and due process of law. Violent 

forced evictions create an environment of 

fear and militarization and do nothing to 

resolve deep and ongoing conflict over 

access to land. 

While 2% of the population continues to 

own 70% of the land as well as the vast 

majority of other resources, the conflict 

will continue. 

GHRC condemns the Guatemalan government‘s 

lack of respect for dialogue 

processes and a public policy that is willing 

to sacrifice the life and well-being of 

men, women and children in the singleminded 

defense of private property, and 

called for an end to the destructive and 

violent policy of forced evictions. 

Page 12 


escorted to the small computer lab. Under the 

watchful eye of a Guatemalan military staff 

member, I poked around the digital archive for 

over two hours. I was surprised when my companion 

informed me on multiple occasions that 

I wasn‘t supposed to take notes on what I read, 

and that the ―information wasn‘t for just anyone 

to see.‖ Were these 

documents not fully 

declassified, public 

information? 

Contrary to the Commission‘s 

statement in 

DC, the majority of 

documents I saw in the archive were not labeled 

secret or top secret, but were instead 

military students‘ thesis papers. Some documents, 

it was obvious, had never been classified, 

such as press clippings and Congressional 

Decrees. Many PDFs simply didn‘t open. 

Despite the Commission‘s mandate, many 

documents were not in fact from 1954-1996. 

Take, for example, a document from 1952 

regulating military bands and marimba groups 

(typed, with no scan of the original), or a 

―Planning Guide‖ from 2011 (two colorful 

pages of text boxes). 

Most interestingly, under the section labeled 

―orders, reports and plans‖, I didn‘t find a single 

document. The four key military plans 

mentioned above, of course, remain classified 

–although they can be requested by a Judge – 

ironic since at least one is already publically 

available on the internet (see the National Security 

Archive website for an authenticated 

copy of Operación Sofía). 

When I asked my military accompanier about 

these discrepancies, she informed me that ―the 

Commission hasn‘t finished scanning the documents‖ 

and that the spotty collection wasn‘t the 

fault of the Commission, that ―they only have 

what was handed over to them.‖ 

The military is in a delicate position. Seeking 

to validate the archive, the government has 

promoted the number of declassified documents 

(94.78% are public!), encourages visits 

to the reading room, and is even considering 

moving the archive off the grounds of the 

Estado Mayor. Yet, as the declassified files are 

more closely analyzed, the military will surely 

confront increased public scrutiny; the material 

and intellectual authors of the vast and systemic 

crimes against humanity committed by 

Guatemala‘s armed forces will be more vulnerable 

to prosecutions. 

In addition, if the content of the archive does 

not accurately reflect the full collection of 

Military Archives 

military secret and top secret documents from 

the conflict, or if those documents remain classified, 

access becomes a moot point. The decision 

to include a large number of files unrelated 

to the Commission‘s mandate has only 

served to delegitimize the archive. 

Despite the Commission‟s mandate, many documents 

were not from 1954-1996. The majority were 

not labeled secret or top secret. Key military plans 

remain classified. 

What are the next steps? 

The Commission‘s process, particularly the 

access to –and collection of – files from regional 

military bases, will be difficult to reexamine, 

both for practical and political reasons. 

Neither the military nor current political 

leadership has interest in a public audit of their 

actions. For that reason, many suspect that the 

military‘s key documents may already be destroyed 

or safely hidden. 

Ongoing pressure will be needed for Guatemalans 

to have true access to military records 

from the internal conflict. 

The Defense Department and other government 

agencies must initiate sincere consultations 

with Guatemalan experts and victims‘ 

rights organizations, solicit input and recommendations 

from civil society, and engage in a 

true campaign to raise awareness. The actual 

number of ―secret‖ and ―top secret‖ documents 

from 1954-1996 should be made public. 

In order to facilitate access to the newly declassified 

documents, the archive must be moved 

to a neutral location and be overseen by civilian 

staff. Documents, including classified and 

partially classified files, should be indexed for 

public record. Article 24 of the Freedom of 

Information Act should be interpreted in its 

broadest sense for purposes of declassification 

–and the operations that led to the scorched 

earth campaign of the early 1980s should be 

made public. 

Achieving justice and accountability from the 

internal conflict will be a long process, and it 

has only just begun in earnest. This archive 

may prove to be an important first step toward 

increased transparency, but it is clear that the 

process must not end here.


Delegation Meets with Women Leading the Struggle Against Violence 

GHRC‘s annual August delegation, focused 

on violence against women, brought together 

people from across the US, as well as one 

Romanian participant from the EU Delegation 

to Guatemala. This year, women leaders highlighted 

the historic and current impunity for 

sexual violence and the links between violence 

against women and conflict over land. 

The intense week of meetings and testimony 

from women advocates, activists and survivors 

of violence began with an inspiring presentation 

by Lorena Cabnal, a Xinca community 

leader and anti-mining activist. 

Lorena‘s leadership grew out of a personal 

search to define her identity as a Xinca 

woman, a difficult process that brought into 

question long-standing gender norms and 

power structures in her community. She began 

to help other women question and overcome 

internal oppression. Now, with the women‘s 

group AMISMAXAJ, she is developing a 

model of ―community feminism‖ to break free 

Delegate Chris Morales listens to testimony in 

the Q‟eqchi‟ community of Lote 8. 

of women‘s ―eternal‖ victimization, as well as 

systemic racism, entrenched patriarchy, and 

destructive capitalist practices. 

For Lorena, the struggle for women‘s rights is 

deeply tied to land rights and respect for 

Mother Nature. She has led her community‘s 

struggle against the mining in historic Xinca 

territory, known internally simply as ―la montaña‖ 

– the mountain. 

Petroleum deposits were discovered on the 

mountain in 2008, and the Guatemalan government, 

without consulting the Xinca communities, 

was quick to grant licenses for exploration 

and extraction. In response, Lorena 

and others had rallied 20,000 people in a 

march to the capital in 2009. Her activism, 

however, led to death threats and Lorena was 

forced to leave her community. 

―Mining is destroying the Xinca people,‖ she 

GHRC delegates gather with representatives 

of ISMU and FUNDAESPRO in the capital. 

told the delegation. 

Rosa, a Q‘eqchi‘ women from Lote 8, and 

victim of sexual violence and forced eviction, 

has experienced that destruction in her own 

community. 

Delegates traveled to the remote community 

of Lote 8, outside of El Estor, Izabal, to hear 

about the violent eviction suffered in 2007 by 

almost 100 families, part of an effort to open 

land for the Guatemalan Nickel Company 

(CGN), until August 2011 a subsidiary of 

Canadian mining giant HudBay Minerals. 

Getting to Lote 8 was not easy. After a twohour 

ride from the nearest town in the back of 

a pick-up truck and over rugged terrain, delegates 

reached the original location of the community. 

It was then an hour walk through the 

forest and cardamom crops to reach the ‗new‘ 

Lote 8. 

During the eviction, women in the community 

were gang-raped by state forces and CGN 

security guards. Two women who were pregnant 

lost their babies. Rosa herself can no 

longer have children. These women shared 

their difficult testimony with the delegation, 

but they did so apart from the men in the community. 

It has been a challenge for the women 

to talk about the violence they suffered, initially 

fearing their husbands would blame 

them or retaliate against them because of it. 

As in 98 percent of cases in Guatemala, the 

men responsible for the sexual violence in 

Lote 8 walk free. Rosa and 10 other women 

from the community have brought a case 

against HudBay in Canada, hoping to hold the 

company accountable for the actions of its 

security personnel. 

Gender inequality and discrimination has a 

long history in Guatemala, but much of the 

brutal violence women suffer in the present 

day became widespread, and was even encouraged, 

during the internal conflict. 

―Men were systematically taught to rape 

women,‖ explained Luz Mendez, of the National 

Union of Guatemalan Women and longtime 

women‘s rights activist. 

Despite over 9,000 (documented) cases of 

sexual violence during the internal conflict, 

there has not been a single case brought to 

court and no one has been held accountable. 

Delegates met with organizations working to 

change that. Mendez, along with women at 

psychosocial support organization ECAP and 

legal advocacy group Women Transforming 

the World, is working to bring the first case of 

sexual violence from the war to the courts this 

fall. 

Delegates also had the unique chance to meet 

with one of the most forgotten groups in Guatemala—incarcerated 

women. In Puerto Barrios, 

the group visited a prison with 40 female 

inmates, many of whom are far from their 

families and children. The women receive 

support, workshops, and solidarity from the 

Artisan Collective. They shared their art, poems 

and music with the delegates in the prison 

courtyard. 

Back in Guatemala City, the group heard 

about community health, education and advocacy 

projects being pioneered by two womenrun 

groups in marginalized communities 

around the capital. Representatives of the 

Institute for Overcoming Urban Poverty 

(ISMU) and Strength and Prosperity Foundation 

(FUNDAESPRO) spoke of the challenges 

of improving living conditions and the lack of 

response by the state. While pushing for political 

change, they are building community 

and providing literacy and educational workshops 

to hundreds of women and youth. 

The testimonies shared with the delegation 

throughout the week reflected women‘s widespread 

struggle to break the cycle of historic 

victimization and impunity, and their powerful 

leadership at the community and national 

level. 

Back in the US, participants have already 

begun to raise awareness and build international 

solidarity in their own communities by 

sharing their delegation experience and the 

voices of the women they met. 

GHRC leads a delegation to Guatemala every 

August. If you would like to join us in 2012, 

please contact ghrc-usa@ghrc-usa.org. 

Page 13


In May of 2011, GHRC opened its first permanent office in Guatemala City. The office coordinates with Guatemalan partners and 

other international organizations in the country, and oversees the Human Rights Defenders Program. This year we will not only be 

increasing our advocacy efforts, but will also continue providing direct support for defenders who need emergency relocation, as 

well as the children of community leaders who have been threatened or attacked through our education fund. 

As we expand our efforts in Guatemala, we also welcome new staff. Outgoing Director Amanda Martin says farewell after three 

years of incredible work to build and strengthen the organization. Her vision to have staff on the ground in Guatemala led to the 

hiring of Rob Mercatante, who we are proud to present as GHRCs representative in Guatemala. Here he introduces himself and his 

long-time commitment to Guatemalan human rights and justice issues. 

Letter from Outgoing 

Director Amanda Martin 

Letter from Rob Mercatante, 

Human Rights Defenders Program Director 

There is a brief moment of paralyzing fear 

when you realize that you've got a scorpion 

in your underwear. 

I stood there, frozen in my fruit-of-thelooms, 

as I felt the venomous invader 

scurry across my backside. Immediately I 

dropped my drawers and began dancing 

around like a naked version of John Travolta 

in "Saturday Night Fever". (And you 

can bet that the song I was hearing in my 

head was "Staying Alive".) 

Quickly I reached for my ever-handy machete 

and with a flick of the wrist dispatched 

the scorpion. I let out a huge sigh 

a relief. Another near miss. 

I walked over to the Scorpion Scoreboard 

Page 14 

GHRC Opens Office in Guatemala, Welcomes New Staff 

Three years ago, I sat in a wooden booth at 

a restaurant in Brookland, in Northeast 

Washington, DC, having just accepted the 

position of director at GHRC. Board president 

Kathy Ogle told me ―one of the best 

things about this job is that you will meet 

so many amazing, inspiring people who 

are doing courageous work.‖ Her words 

rang true again and again, throughout the 

past three years. 

Traveling to Guatemala every three 

months fueled my passion for the work, 

while allowing me to spend months at a 

time in the GHRC office in DC. Trips to 

Guatemala brought me face to face with 

these amazing community leaders, as I 

traveled to communities to hear the stories 

of organized resistance to megaprojects, 

and listened to the testimony of men and 

women charged with crimes that they did 

not commit. The information gathered on 

these fact-finding trips was brought back 

to the US, and to GHRC supporters, via El 

Quetzal and email blasts. 

Organizing and leading delegations from 

the US to Guatemala was by far my greatest 

joy at GHRC. Engaging with community 

leaders, professors, students, activists, 

social workers, and so many other dedicated 

people from across the US on week- 

long immersion trips opened my eyes to 

new perspectives. Many of you have become 

close friends of mine, and with each 

other, creating a new branch in a network 

of solidarity. 

I intended to stay at GHRC for three years, 

and that time has come to a close. Working 

at GHRC has been incredibly fulfilling and 

life-changing for me. I have reconnected 

with Guatemala, a country and people that 

I learned to love 18 years ago when I first 

arrived there as a Peace Corps volunteer. 

Rob Mercatante, center, shows his pictures to 

community members during an exhumation 

hanging on the wall of my house, and 

added another hashmark. Rob 81, Scorpions 

0. 

Ah, life in Guatemala. 

I first came to Guatemala as a volunteer 

with Habitat for Humanity. My assignment 

was to help build low-cost homes in El 

Now I am reconnected and will carry Guatemala 

with me wherever I go, in my 

thoughts and work. 

As I move on to a new chapter in my career, 

working for human rights in Burma, I 

will bring the lessons, experiences, and 

inspiration of GHRC‘s work with me. 

Kelsey Alford-Jones, who worked with me 

for three years (as Associate Director), has 

taken over as director of GHRC. There is 

no one else who could fill this position as 

thoroughly and excellently as Kelsey. And, 

she is now working with Rob Mercatante, 

who runs the new GHRC office in Guatemala 

City. 

During this transition at GHRC, your continued 

support and interest in our work for 

Guatemala is especially important, and 

essential, to creating positive, systemic 

change. 

With gratitude, 

Amanda Martin 

Rosario, a small village on Guatemala's 

southern coast. Living in El Rosario was 

like appearing on a three-year long episode 

of "Survivor": no electricity, no running 

water, no telephone, and a heat so brutal 

that the only time you stopped sweating 

was when you were dangerously dehydrated! 

But it wasn't just the heat and scorpions 

that made life in El Rosario so difficult. 

For the first time in my life I understood 

what "living in poverty" meant; I saw how 

it affected the lives of my neighbors, 

my co-workers and my friends. I saw the 

inhumane working conditions in the sugarcane 

fields that surrounded our village. I 

saw the broken-down health clinic that had 

no permanent doctor and medicine that had 

gone bad because there was no refrigeration. 

I saw the school with empty black- 

Continued on Next Page


boards because the teachers had no chalk. 

I saw army helicopters land on the stony 

soccer field and soldiers search house-tohouse 

for guerillas. I saw children die 

from diseases that should have been prevented 

and could have been treated. 

It may seem odd to say, then, that El 

Rosario is also where I fell in love with 

Guatemala. In the midst of poverty, in the 

midst of daily suffering, I witnessed the 

resilience and beauty of the human spirit. 

I saw generations of families living under 

the same thatched roofs, grandparents 

swinging newborn infants to sleep in 

hammocks. I saw community members 

working together under the unforgiving 

sun to help build one another's homes. I 

saw moments of genuine solidarity as the 

entire village would gather to accompany 

a grieving family. I saw extraordinary 

generosity as those who had practically 

nothing would invite me into their homes 

to share their meals with me. 

As an outsider, as a white male of privilege 

from the "developed" world, the 

welcome of unconditional acceptance that 

I received in El Rosario can only be described 

as an act of grace. Those three 

years forever changed my life and 

marked the beginning of a path that I 

would follow, with its twists and turns, 

for over two decades. 

This month, in fact, I will be celebrating 

my 22nd year working and living in Guatemala. 

During those years I have been 

witness to moments of beauty and brutality, 

breakthroughs and setbacks, hope and 

despair. 

I have had the privilege of participating 

in pivotal moments of Guatemala's recent 

history: the return of the refugees from 

Mexico, the first overland visits to the 

Communities of Population in Resistance, 

the awarding of the Nobel Peace 

prize to Rigoberta Menchú, the signing of 

the Peace Accords, the transformation of 

URNG from guerilla organization to progressive 

political party, the forensic exhumations 

of mass graves from the armed 

conflict, the groundbreaking human 

rights trials against military officers responsible 

for the massacres of the indigenous 

population, etc. 

Letter from Rob Mercatante 

Yet for all of those advances, Guatemala 

still faces a series of seemingly insurmountable 

challenges: families living in 

extreme poverty, a terrible vulnerability 

to natural disasters, a debilitated and underfunded 

government, a powerful oligarchy 

that prioritizes profits over the progress 

of the nation, the presence of drug 

cartels, organized crime and gangs, political 

nepotism and corruption, high indices 

of impunity and a barely functional judicial 

system, unequal land distribution and 

violent evictions of family farmers, the 

mass exodus of immigrants to the US, the 

proliferation of foreign-owned destructive 

mining projects, violence against 

women and femicide, racism and discrimination, 

continued attacks on human 

rights defenders, etc. 

Oh… and did I mention that there is a 

very good chance that the next president 

of Guatemala will be a former Army 

General accused of torture, massacres and 

other crimes against humanity? 

It shouldn't come as much of a surprise 

that many people question my decision to 

stay in such a difficult and dangerous 

country. Heck, I constantly question it! I 

have been harassed by gang members, 

mugged, and robbed at gunpoint— 

repeatedly. I have been tear-gassed, shot 

at, had my telephone tapped, been detained 

by the police, and received death 

threats. 

But when I think of all of the amazing 

Guatemalan men, women and children 

that I have met, and all of the terrible 

adversities that they face day after day, 

the question quickly shifts from "why do 

I stay?" to "how could I possibly walk 

away?" It's not much of a choice after all. 

In the face of such great injustice, and 

such tremendous need, all but the hardest 

of hearts would be moved to work for 

peace and justice. 

Which is why being hired by the Guatemala 

Human Rights Commission to open 

their new office in Guatemala City is, for 

me, a dream come true. 

My first six months with GHRC (two in 

Washington, DC and four in Guate) have 

been exciting, exacting and exhausting. 

Thankfully, even in the most difficult of 


times, it is easy to stay inspired. After all, 

I work with heroes! 

I consider myself incredibly fortunate to 

be part of the GHRC team. Kelsey, our 

director, is an exceptionally talented 

woman: hard-working, insightful, and 

profoundly knowledgeable about all 

things Guatemalan. Our interns have a 

jaw-dropping array of skills and abilities 

that they tirelessly bring to the endless 

tasks at hand. Our board of directors is 

incredibly involved and supportive. And, 

as of this month, Kathryn Johnson joins 

our staff as Advocacy and Development 

Coordinator in Washington. 

Even though I am the sole staff person in 

Guatemala City, I rarely work alone incountry. 

There is a network of human 

rights defenders here who have dedicated 

their lives to the struggle for social justice. 

Some are well-known, nationally 

and internationally. But the great majority 

of these inspiring people work quietly 

behind the scenes, often putting their 

lives at risk in ceaseless and selfless service 

to the poor, the marginalized, and 

the oppressed. 

And then there's you. 

You who have supported GHRC through 

our delegations, letter writing campaigns, 

donations, speaker tours, or other activities. 

Without you, none of this work is 

possible! Whenever I attend workshops, 

marches or protests, whenever I speak to 

those in power or confront injustices, 

whenever I accompany individuals, families, 

or communities at risk…I do so, not 

as Rob, but as the Guatemala Human 

Rights Commission. I speak with your 

voice and I act with your support. 

There is a general consensus that the human 

rights situation in Guatemala is at its 

most critical point since the 1980s, the 

bloodiest years of the armed conflict. The 

challenges are formidable. Lives are at 

risk. I am convinced that only by all of us 

working together can justice and human 

rights prevail. 

I am proud to be a part of GHRC. I promise 

that nothing, not even scorpions, will 

stop me from giving all that I have give 

to this important work. 

Page 15


Argentine Resistance Singer Killed in Guatemala 

Facundo Cabral, an Argentine singersongwriter 

and leading voice of protest 

against military dictatorships in Latin 

America, was shot to death while on tour 

in Guatemala in July of this year. Cabral 

and his promoter were on their way to the 

airport in Guatemala City when they were 

ambushed by two armed vehicles. While 

the true motives of the attack remain unknown, 

some argue that the shot was 

meant for his promoter while others, including 

Rigoberta Menchu, have stated 

that he was assassinated for his beliefs. 

In reaction to the murder, fans throughout 

Guatemala held a memorial concert and 

President Alvaro Colom declared three 

national days of mourning. In early August, 

Guatemalan police detained a suspect 

in the case, a hit man with connections 

to organized crime groups, particularly 

narco-traffickers. 

Born in La Plata, Argentina in 1937, 

Cabral was the eighth child of a poor 

family, but overcame his unfortunate 

Two Legends Remembered 

circumstances through a 

profound dedication to 

social justice and gift 

for music. After a 

rough adolescence and a 

series of menial jobs, 

Cabral started performing 

in 1959 and released 

his first major hit in 

1970. By the mid- 

1970‘s he was firmly 

established in the Latin 

American music scene 

and had gained a reputation 

as a protest singer. 

Political Activist Alfonso Bauer Paiz Dies at 93 

The noted Guatemalan political activist 

and human rights defender, Alfonso Bauer 

Paiz, affectionately referred to as 

―Poncho,‖ passed away this past July 10 at 

the age of 93 due to heart failure. 

Paiz was born in Guatemala City on April 

29, 1918. He graduated from the National 

University Department of Legal and Social 

Sciences as a lawyer and notary public. In 

the years following the revolution of October 

1944, Paiz actively participated in a 

number of political positions in Guatemala. 

Following the CIA-supported 1954 

coup, Paiz went into exile in Mexico until 

he secretly returned to Guatemala three 

years later, at which time he became a professor 

at the University of San Carlos. 

He was also elected to be a member of the 

commission that studied and eventually 

denounced illegal nickel concessions on 

the part of the government of Carlos 

Manuel Arana Osorio. Due to the open 

criticisms made by the commission, the 

government sought to eliminate its mem- 

Page 16 

Because of his open 

political criticisms, 

Cabral was forced into exile in Mexico 

following the Argentine coup in 1976. 

Nevertheless, he continued writing and 

performing, and gained popularity with a 

wide range of audiences. When he returned 

to Argentina in 1984, his popularity 

only increased, as he performed a 

unique mix of spoken word, poetry, phi- 

bers. Paiz was victim of an 

armed attack in 1970, from 

which he spent five months 

recovering in the hospital. 

He was the only member of 

the commission who survived. 

Paiz traveled to Chile in 

1971, but fled after the leftist 

leader Salvador Allende 

was overthrown in 1973. 

He lived in Cuba until 1980, 

supporting the Ministry of 

Justice. Between 1981 and 

1988 he worked as a government advisor 

to the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua. 

In 1988, Paiz returned to Mexico to work 

with Guatemalan refugees who had fled 

the armed conflict until finally returning to 

Guatemala in 1995, where he continued to 

fight for the rights of the people. 

Miguel Angel Albizures, a Guatemalan 

human rights activists and newspaper columnist 

referred to Paiz as: ―Another one of 

losophy, and music before sold-out audiences. 

In 1996, the United Nations declared 

Cabral a ‗worldwide messenger of 

peace‘ for his continued commitment to 

justice and freedom for the people of 

Central and South America. 

the great defenders of the rights of the people, 

the unbreakable Alfonso Bauer Paiz, 

he who defeated henchmen and served 

humbly the people of Guatemala, Chile, 

Cuba, Nicaragua, and particularly those 

who fled certain death in Guatemala by 

seeking refuge in Mexico. 

Supporters and mourners filled Guatemala´s 

streets to remember and commemorate 

one of the nation‘s heroes. 

(Photo: http://userserve-ak.last.fm/serve/252/26046893.jpg ) 

(Photo: www.mimundo-photoessays.org)

March 23: Colom and wife Torres file 

for divorce. Soon after the divorce, Sandra 

Torres declared her candidacy for 

president. 

April 18: Resurgence of Violence in 

Alta Verapaz. Two months after the 

state of siege was lifted there was a recurrence 

of violence with 7 murders in the 

department over the course of two weeks. 

April 26: Anniversary of Gerardi‟s Assassination. 

Hundreds of people gathered 

at Bishop Juan Gerardi‘s grave to commemorate 

the 13th anniversary of his 

death. 

May 9: Portillo declared „Not Guilty‟. 

Former president Alfonso Portillo was 

declared not guilty during a hearing 

where he was charged with laundering 15 

million dollars during his presidency. The 

prosecution and the CICIG have since 

appealed the decision. 

May 17: State of siege declared in El 

Petén. President Colom declared a state 

of siege in El Petén following the May 15 

massacre of 27 in an attempt to restore 

peace and rule of law in the department. 

The region has become a center of organized 

crime activity. 

June 1: Spain authorizes extradition of 

Carlos Veilmann. Veilmann´s extradition 

was requested so he could face 

charges for the murder of 10 prisoners 

between the years of 2005 and 2006. 

June 3: Guatemala honors the memory 

of Jacobo Arbenz Guzman. Fifty seven 

years after the US backed coup of President 

Arbenz, the nation will finally recognize 

him in school curriculums. 

June 8: Political party finances made 

public. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal 

made political party finance reports available 

to the public, and required candidates 

to disclose their funding sources. 

June 10: Former police chief arrested. 

Former chief of the national police, Hector 

Bol de la Cruz, was arrested in Guatemala 

for involvement in the disappearance 

of student activist Edgar Fernando 

Garcia in 1984. 

Human Rights UPDATE 

June 22-23: Secretary of State Clinton 

attends security conference. Clinton 

attended the International Conference in 

Support of Central American Security 

Strategy, hosted by the Secretariat of 

Central American Integration (SICA). 

The objective of the conference was to 

coordinate collaboration between international 

representatives, organizations and 

institutions regarding a coherent regional 

security strategy. 

July 6: Human Rights Defenders file 

complaint with the United Nations Special 

Rapporteur on Torture. GHRC, 

Rights Action, and Jennifer Harbury submitted 

a formal report to the UN Rapporteur 

on Torture with allegations against 

presidential candidate Otto Pérez Molina 

for torture and crimes against humanity 

during the armed conflict. 

July 13: United States deports former 

kaibil. Pedro Pimentel Ríos, a former 

kaibil linked to the Dos Erres massacre in 

1982, was deported from the United 

States after being denied asylum and facing 

charges of lying about past human 

rights abuses on his citizenship forms. He 

was handed over to Guatemalan authorities 

upon arrival. 

August 2: Senate confirms new US ambassador 

to Guatemala. President 

Obama nominated Arnold Chacon as the 

new ambassador to Guatemala. He has 

thirty years of experience in the Foreign 

Service with positions in Ecuador, Peru, 

Chile, Mexico, and Honduras. He has 

declared that human rights will be one of 

his top priorities. 

August 3: Ex-kaibiles sentenced in Dos 

Erres case. Daniel Martínez Méndez, 

Manuel Pop Zun, Carlos Antonio Carías 

López and Reyes Collin Gualip were 

sentenced to 6,060 years each for the 

murders and human rights violations they 

committed. 

August 24: Ambassador Stephen 

McFarland says farewell to Guatemala. 

McFarland left his post to continue 

his work in Afghanistan. Since he began 

work in Guatemala 11 years ago, he has 

been applauded for his public commitment 

to human rights. 


August 30: US Presidential Commission 

condemns 1940‟s penicillin research 

in Guatemala. The Presidential 

Commission on the Study of Bioethics 

condemned a US-funded study in which 

researchers infected hundreds of Guatemalan 

prisoners, psychiatric patients and 

sex workers with syphilis and gonorrhea, 

declaring that participating researchers 

and doctors are morally responsible. The 

Commission will recommend compensation 

for the victims in its next published 

report. 

August 31: Two women charged with 

facilitating illegal adoptions. Alma 

Beatriz Valle Flores de Mejia and Enriqueta 

Francisca Noriega Cano have been 

accused of illegal association, falsification 

of documents, human trafficking, 

illegal adoption, and establishing a structure 

supporting illegal adoptions in Guatemala. 

The two women supposedly 

‗robbed‘ a young girl, Anyeli Liseth Hernandez 

Rodriguez and turned her over to 

parents in the United States. 

September 15: State of siege extended in 

El Petén for the second time. President 

Alvaro Colom extended the state of siege 

for an additional thirty days hoping to 

restrict arms trafficking and conclude the 

investigation of the May 15 massacre. 

The first extension was announced on 

June 16. 

September 19: Irregularities and protests 

following the elections. Acción 

Ciudadana has presented 165 denunciations 

of irregularities in election proceedings, 

including disturbances of order and 

the buying of votes. Some of the claims 

include evidence that citizens were intimidated. 

Protests demanding repeat 

elections have occurred in at least 40 municipalities 

across the country since the 

elections. 

September 24: Guatemala to reiterate 

request for TPS. The Minister of Foreign 

Relations announced the request, 

which comes during another year of 

tragic natural disasters. The initial petition 

was submitted in June of 2010 after 

tropical storm Agatha caused widespread 

flooding, displacement and damage to 

infrastructure. 

Page 17


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Page 18 

GHRC Donors FY10/11 

Thank You! 

makes our work 

possible.

GHRC Donors FY10/11 

Issue Issue #10 #10, / #2 June/Sept / March 2009 2011 

Martha Bowen * Public Welfare Foundation * R. Levin * Rachel DeGolia * Rael Nidess * Randall Shea * Raymond and Vivienne 

Kell * Rebecca Mills * Rebecca Van Horn * Renata Eustis * Richard and Betty Fridena * Richard and Audrey Vincent * Richard 

and Joan Clinch * Richard and Margaret Weaver * Richard Broderick * Richard and Lucy Henighan * Richard Vanden Heuvel * 

Robert and Betty Brown * Robert and Carla Horwitz * Robert and Dorothea Brayden * Robert and Dorothy Lockhart * Robert and 

Joycelyn Johnson * Robert and Kathryn Bachmann * Robert Denniston * Robert E. Hinshaw * Robert Larson * Robert Roth * 

Robert Textor * Roberta R Palen * Robin Hood and John Cavanagh * Roger Waha * Ron Castaldi * Ronald and Shari Coburn * 

Ronald Wilhelm * Ross and Gloria Kinsler * Roy Bourgeois * Royce B. Murray * Rudolph L. Nelson * Sally Allen Lunin and 

Robert Krzewinski * Sara Bartel * School Sisters of Notre Dame * Severino Perez and Kathleen Studer * Sheila A. Brady 

* Sheila H Schultz, Trustee * Sheila Schultz * Sherna Gluck * Simon Klein and Lenore Feigenbaum * Sister of Charity * Sisters of 

Charity, B.V.M. * Sr. Therese Ann Zanmiller * Steven and Martha Hillyard * Steven Metalitz and Kit Gage * Susan Randall 

* Susanne Jonas * Suzanne Miller * Tanya Kramer * Teresa Keller * The West Farm Account * Thomas and Darlene White * Thomas 

Bird * Thomas Brown * Thomas Murphy and Ellen Garrity * Timothy and Marilu MacCarthy * Tom Clements * Unitarian Universalist 

Church, Arlington * Ursula Hill * Vera and William Kelly * Victoria Steinitz * Vincent and Catherine Gallagher * Vivian 

B. Harvey * Walter Sherwood * Wayne Alt * Whiting-Arnold Foundation * William and Jane Lotter * William and Lorraine D'Antonio 

* William D. Arvidson * William Davis * William Donnelly * William G. Schomp * William Garner * William J. Reilly * 

William Russell * William Wardlaw and Patricia Arnold * Wizard Window Washing 

We would also like to thank the following FY10/11 grantors for their support: 

Osprey Foundation, Sisters of St. Dominic/Racine Dominican Mission Fund, 

Eighth Day Faith Community, St. Margaret‘s Church, SSND Gospel Fund, John 

and Kathryn Greenberg 

Financial Summary FY10/11 

Support Human Rights in Guatemala! 

Make a contribution to support our new office in Guatemala City and expansion of our 

Human Rights Defenders Program. 

Page 19

Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA 

____________________________________________ 

3321 12th Street NE 

Washington, DC 20017 

Tel: (202) 529-6599 

Fax: (202)526-4611 

www.ghrc-usa.org 

El Quetzal 

A Quarterly Publication 

Guatemala’s Elections 

Land Conflict and Violent Evictions 

Exciting Changes at GHRC 

NONPROFIT ORG 

US POSTAGE PAID 

WASHINGTON, DC 

Permit NO. 469 

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